Illustration 1: Poland at the time of Bolesław Chrobry (the Brave), Scale 1:6 000 000, Władysław Aleksander Semkowicz, 1928; Original title of the map: „Polska za Bolesława Chrobrego“ | Repozytorium Cyfrowe Instytutów Naukowych, public domain

Illustration 2: Poland at the time of the Piast dynasty, Scale 1:6 000 000, Władysław Aleksander Semkowicz, 1931; Original title of the map: „Polska dzielnicowa: około r. 1250“ | Repozytorium Cyfrowe Instytutów Naukowych, public domain

People of Immigrant Background. "Judaei" and "Teutonici" in Medieval Poland

If one extends the lead questions of the topical dossier “Germans and Jews in Eastern Europe” to the pre-modern era, one cannot simply adopt the concepts as they are cited in the introductory essay. There, one presupposes the existence of clearly defined groups “as minorities, each with their own religion, language, and cultural self-image” that would have to be studied in their mutual interrelations as well as their relations to the “foreign majority populations”. The first question one will need to ask here is if and in what way migrants were perceived as members of groups in their new environment, and how the group attributions of that time relate to the concepts of today.

The sources on the history of migration use the Latin terms “Judaei” and “Teutonici”. This article explores the question whether and to what extent these terms can be translated into the modern terms “Jews” and “Germans”. It will also pose the question of where these people’s place was in the context of their target society - what their personal contacts were and whether they built local or regional communities. If we thus focus our attention on “aspects of historical entanglements”, we must leave the term “minority” behind, at least as far as the timeframe considered here is concerned. The notion of “minorities” is a decidedly modern concept, presupposing a political thinking that understands “majorities” as the potent forces in society.^[1] It does not see people as individuals first but instead defines groups as collective players. Such ideas are rooted in the perceptions of the nationalist age; yet this “methodical nationalism” is now being overcome, not only in ethnology but also in historical migration research.^[2]

This article, therefore, takes up a current keyword: “People of immigrant background”. The term does not refer to those people who set out to find a new future in another country but to those who would like to believe to have come to their journey’s end, who have found new neighbours and who have reshaped and reorganized their lives in the new society. However, not only people who have migrated themselves are referred to as “people with a migrant background” but also their children, and even their grandchildren. This shifts the focus; it is no longer on an individual’s own migration experience but on a societal attribution that collectively perceives these people as foreigners - and hence as not belonging to the respective society. Not everyone who settles down and becomes resident in one place experiences this attribution, though. Whether sooner or later, if at all, these people’s “immigrant background” becomes irrelevant because they have “arrived” not merely depends on themselves or their neighbours but also on the prevailing political and societal conditions.

One should not, however, out of considerations of political correctness, ignore any group attribution. In medieval societies, the idea of somebody’s place in society was no less shaped by their belonging to one group or another than it is in the modern age. Yet in medieval societies each person was associated with different groups at the same time, each of which, depending on the context, being either more important or less important for his or her place in society; thus, attribution as a Christian, for example, became significant as making or maintaining boundaries to non-Christians. In the chronological and geographical range this article covers, the Christian rulers and their followers could use such attributions as a ready-at-hand justification for their subjugation politics against different pagan populations at various places: between the rivers Elbe and Oder from the 10^th to the 12^th century, and in the 13^th and 14^th centuries against the Prussians (Pruzzi) and Lithuanians, or, since 1096, in the so-called crusades against Muslims in the Mediterranean.^[3] Since the persecutions in the wake of the First Crusade, and without being explicitly named as the targets of such “Holy Wars”, the Jews in Europe time and time again became victims of violence. In the equation, they had (implicitly) been assigned their place on the side of “the others”.^[4] Among Catholic and Orthodox Christians, the religious in-group was narrowed down to the Catholic population, while Armenian Christians residing in the same region would either be marginalized as schismatics or courted as close allies of the Catholic Church, depending on the situation.^[5]

Beyond confessional attributions, other attributions to social groups – especially within a secular order of estates as peasants, bourgeoisie, and nobles – constituted cross-regional and, in part, cross-denominational in-groups.

These groups also included people of various regions or languages, which became particularly noticeable during the extensive migrations that were part of the so-called Landesausbau [“internal consolidation”] in the late 12th and early 13th centuries. [Illustrations 1 and 2] In the following, I will focus my deliberations on the Polish lands – the duchies ruled by the Piast dynasty and what later became the Kingdom of Poland. Although the demographic and economic change encompassed all Central Europe, the political environments varied from region to region, and so did the conditions for people who came into the country.^[6]

Illustration 3: A scene from the Sachsenspiegel shows the German settlement drive to the East around 1300. In the upper part of the picture a Locator (with a hat) receives a foundation charter by the lord of the manor and starts the foundation of the settlement. In the bottom part of the picture he acts as a judge. Eike von Repgow, Beginning of the 14th Century | Wikimedia Commons, public domain

The term “Landesausbau” refers to the targeted development policies of territorial rulers in the course of which people from other territories were systematically recruited and new economic and legal models were introduced. The formerly separated market and craft settlements, directly subordinate to the princely officials, were replaced by a network of largely self-governing cities of German (Magdeburgian) Law (“Rechtsstädte” or “Magdeburgian towns”); in the country, the labour and levy system was amended and later superseded by village settlements with fixed-size fields that were allocated to the peasants as hereditary property. The territorial rulers, and later the landed clergy and nobility, made land available and initiated infrastructure measures by, for example, building a central store (such as the famous Cracow Cloth Hall) and churches. The concrete design of the new settlements, the survey of the land lots in the towns or the fields in the villages and, most of all, the recruitment of new settlers fell to private entrepreneurs, so-called locators. Not only the founding of villages and towns rested with them, but even the re-organization of princely centres such as Wroclaw (1242 and 1262), Cracow (1257) and Poznan (1253).^[7] The location privilege for Poznan, for example, mentions one “Martin from Guben” (today’s Gubin on the Neisse River) as a locator.

Illustration 4: Colonisation of Eastern Europe, in: Kaser, K., Macht und Erbe. Männerherrschaft, Besitz und Familie im östlichen Europa (1500-1900), Wien 2000, p. 65 | © Karl Kaser

These location entrepreneurs were supposed to use their contacts to persuade new people to settle in the territories. [Illustration 3] To begin with, the new structures were intended to complement existing ones and thus increase the incomes of the territorial ruler. Only in a second phase were the new economic and legal reforms implemented in existing settlements. A smaller proportion of immigrants were specially recruited professionals, such as Walloons in Silesia, who were sought after for their knowledge of draining marshland, or mining specialists who had gained experience in Saxonia. Craftsmen and merchants, on the other hand, often came from neighbouring territories – to Silesia from Saxonia, Thuringia, and Franconia, to Lesser Poland quite often from Saxonia, or to Greater Poland from Brandenburg. Apart from “Teutonici”, records from the early 13^th century also mention “Romani” (Walloons) as a target group, especially as specialists for textiles and mining.^[8] They came with their skills and their contacts, but also with ideas of how they would like to organize their lives in their new home country. The difference in size between the different measures of ploughland, f.i. Flemish and the Frankish hides or virgates, indicate regional differences. However, the immigrants’ specific origins soon faded into the background and the new residents were collectively referred to as “Teutonici” / “Germans”. [Illustration 4]

Illustration 5: Poland at the time of Kasimir the Great, Scale 1:6 000 000, Władysław Aleksander Semkowicz, 1930; Original title of the map: Polska za Kazimierza Wielkiego: Stan z r. 1370 | Repozytorium Cyfrowe Instytutów Naukowych, public domain

The new forms of municipal law and village law, too, were referred to as “ius teutonicum” / “German law.” They were not equivalent, though, with the law applicable in “Germany” or the Holy Roman Empire, which the settlers would have brought with them “from their homeland”, as is often assumed in older research published in German. Benedykt Zientara has made clear that, in fact, the “ius teutonicum” originated from a merger of the immigrants’ legal concepts and elements of domestic law. In the Holy Roman Empire the term was not in use.^[9]

Some privileges contain clauses that reserve the new law to immigrants and explicitly exclude the local population. In the deed issued by Duke Bolesław the Brave for Cracow, the ruler’s motive for this step is clearly stated: “The reeves have promised us that no one in bondage (no slave), be it with us, the Church or with any other master, and no free Pole who has hitherto lived in the country, will be made a burgher, so as not to cause the desertion of our manors, the episcopal manors, or anybody else’s manors.”^[10] For the first half of the 15^th century, Andrzej Janeczek has analysed a number of deeds for Red Ruthenia and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, issued by King Władysław Jagiełło and Vytautas the Great, where such an exclusion clause was dressed in religious wording (exceptis schismaticis). He has shown that it was not religious discrimination by the Catholic ruler against the Orthodox population that was at the root of this ordinance. Although the criteria were phrased in religious terms, in practice there was an ethnic attribution behind them, namely the exclusion of the native Ruthenian population.^[11]

In 13th century Poland and in the Ruthenian territories at the beginning of the 15^th century, by way of such clauses the sovereigns tried to prevent old structures from collapsing before new ones would yield earnings. Where no old structures were at risk in the vicinity, no exclusion clauses were enforced. Instead, even calls were made to muster people of every rank, every gender, every kind, and every origin („hominibus cuiuscunque status aut sexus condicionis et generis collocare“), as it is stated in a privilege by King Władysław Jagiełło for his Jewish locator (!) Wołczko from Drohobycz im 1425.^[12]

Not only in cases as unique as this one were Jews part of the land consolidation politics. In the middle of the 13^th century, East-Central European sovereigns issued deeds for Jews based on imperial legislation. In 1236 Emperor Frederick II granted a privilege for the Jews in the Empire, and in 1238 an extended privilege especially for the Jews in Vienna. When in 1244 Duke Frederick of Austria himself issued a deed for the Jews in his domain, what he had in mind was not so much additional legal protection for the Jewish population, but by this move, the Duke challenged the “Jew Seigniorage” [Judenregal] hitherto belonging to the Emperor. Amid the crisis of the Hohenstaufen Empire, he claimed one of the hitherto exclusively Imperial privileges for a territorial sovereign. After all, legal protection automatically went hand in hand with fiscal sovereignty.

Only a few years later the King of Hungary (1251), the King of Bohemia (1262 and 1268), and the Duke of Greater Poland (1264) followed suit. In its essential points, this first Polish privilege for Jews was based on the Bohemian deed of 1262, but it also included a few significant adjustments to the conditions in Greater Poland. The original has not been preserved, but the wording has been handed down in the confirmatory deed of 1334 by King Kasimir the Great.^[13] Thus, sovereign privileges for the Jewish population, too, had an “immigrant background.” [Illustration 5]

Illustration 6: Seal of archbishop Wichmann of Magdeburg, Gustav Adelbert Seyler, 1894 | Wikimedia Commons, public domain

Teutonici and “Germans”

Immigrant craftsmen and merchants joined together to form civil parishes such as existed in similar form in their regions of origin. The so-called Magdeburg Law, named after the German city of Magdeburg and based on a privilege granted by Archbishop Wichmann of Magdeburg (c. 1115-1192) in the year 1188, was of particular influence as an antetype for the legal system of the new cities. [Illustration 6]

Illustration 7: The Saxon-Magdeburgian Law in Eastern and Middle Europe, 2008 | © Institute for Regional Geography / Leibniz-Institute (Leipzig)

It granted merchants participation in legal proceedings and thus enabled them to exert influence on the urban order. In the regions on the Baltic Sea, the city laws of the maritime trading city of Lubeck became a favourite model, while in mining cities the Saxonian city of Freiberg became the ideal. These “mother cities” of the so-called German Law (ius teutonicum), too, had developed their city charters in the course of their sovereigns’ land consolidation politics in the late 12^th century. The city rights provided immigrant population groups with a stable legal framework and attractive settlement and participation opportunities. [Illustration 7]

Illustration 8: The city foundation charter for Krakow, Ignacy Krieger, 19th century | Wikimedia Commons, public domain

Originally, the Magdeburg deed of 1188 provided that the lord of the town, who also presided over the court, was accompanied by so-called lay judges from the ranks of the citizens. They, as legal experts, were supposed to reach a verdict which the lord of the court would then pronounce and have implemented. For the practical administration of the civic communities soon another body developed: the city council. Wherever the town lord was not able to preside the court himself – nearly everywhere – he appointed a representative: the reeve, an imperial official called “Vogt” in German. At first, this post was often given to the location entrepreneur, who thus became the ruler’s representative vis-a-vis the city’s residents. The councils, in turn, sought to limit the reeve’s range of power in favour of urban self-government. If there was a change in the office of the reeve, or conflicts between the reeve and the sovereign, one had the opportunity to transfer the office to the council against payment of a certain fee. This strengthened civic self-government against sovereign interference. Within the framework of so-called city-rights families, the self-governments in newly founded cities had the option to turn to their mother cities in legal matters.

On the other hand, to emphasize their own legal sovereignty, the sovereigns were eager to prevent legal advice from being obtained from outside their territory. In the 13^th century the Silesian city of Neumarkt (Środa Śląska), which had originally been founded after the model of the city law of Halle (Saale), became the so-called Oberhof (court of appeal) for Silesian cities. In 1356, King Casimir the Great made Cracow the “Oberhof” for the entire Kingdom of Poland. [Illustration 8]

Illustration 9: On the situation of the Jewish district “Kazimierz” / “Kasimir”, Teofil Żebrawski (1800-1887), 1836; Original title of the map: Plan miasta Krakowa w obrębie okopów | Repozytorium Cyfrowe Instytutów Naukowych, public domain

The entrepreneurial character of establishing cities under the charter of Magdeburgian Law (“Lokation”) led to the fact that local elites sought to secure their status against rival players, doing so mostly through informal barriers such as co-opting new members. Hence, the patriciate, as a rule, was almost entirely in the hands of immigrant families.^[14]

Such barriers, in contrast, rarely existed when it came to admitting new citizens to the city. Admissions to citizenship in Cracow, for example, show a steady increase in the share of new Polish citizens and a slow decline in the number of German immigrants, while as early as around 1450 Poznan’s new citizens predominantly came from the surrounding area, and immigrants from the Holy Roman Empire or Hungary made only a small percentage.^[15] Overall, though, the dynamics of the location- and migration processes in the Polish heartlands subsided noticeably in the course of the 15th century. The urban societies consolidated, and new social conflicts came to the fore, as especially the craftspeople (guilds) tried to increase their political influence with the councils, which were dominated by merchants.

From the late 15th century onwards, there was a growing acceptance of Polish not only as oral vernacular but also in written communication. Before 1470 the Rector of the Cracow University, Jakub Parkosch de Żorawicze (Parkossius, deceased in 1452), wrote a treatise on Polish orthography that was handed down in several manuscripts but was never printed.^[16] In the 16^th century, Polish as a lingua franca was established in the files and proceedings of the Cracow magistrate. In preceding polemics, the guilds had used the language issue to give cultural weight to their demand for change in the structures. The councillors, most of whom came from former immigrant families, supported such a cultural change, only to become all the more persistent in staffing questions.^[17]

In the context of Humanism, the historical consciousness of the world of scholars changed, too. Christian universal histories were replaced by national concepts of history which aimed at historically deducing the formation of one’s “own” respective territory. With this, also the perception of migrant people changed in the scholarly discourse. An early example, often cited in nationalist historiography, is a quote by Rudolf Agricola (1490- 1521). Agricola, a scholar honoured by Emperor Maximilian as poet laureate (“poeta laureatus”), spent most of his life in Cracow after 1510. There he observed the German-speaking citizens’ stance during the war between the Teutonic Order and Poland between 1519 and 1521 and was amazed at their lack of “national consciousness”: “I regret having to stay around longer in Cracow. There is not a single German who is not treated worse than even the Jews. One has no reason to trust anybody in Cracow, certainly not the Polonized Germans (‘polonicati Germani’) who have no affection whatsoever for us foreigners. All they do is follow the good fortune of the war. If the Germans win, they will be happy for them. If the Poles win, they will celebrate with them”.^[18]

Judaei

While the “Teutonici” migrated across territorial borders from the beginning, the “Judaei” initially moved within a common territory. Since the Middle Ages the Biblical term “Ashkenaz” had referred to the Holy Roman Empire or respectively to the German-speaking parts of the world but the adjective “ashkenazic” more generally referred to the Jewish culture in Central Europe, from Northern Italy and Alsatia to Hungary and Lithuania. “Polin” only became common at the beginning of the Early Modern Age, and not as a distinction from Germany but as an explanatory adjunct. The double term “Ashkenaz u-Polin” reflected both the geographical unity and the shift of cultural centres since the 16th century.^[19]

Since the 19^th century, the Jewish migration to Poland has been interpreted in historiography as a means of escape from persecution and expulsion in the Empire. It was seen as an immigration in waves, with the first wave after the first crusade (1096), then the persecutions during the plague 1348-1350, and finally the expulsions at the beginning of the 16^th century, culminating in Regensburg in 1519.^[20] Right from the start this interpretation was inspired by modern models, especially by the so-called Great Emigration of Poles after the failure of the November Uprising in 1830 / 1831, when the defeated insurgents migrated as far as France in closed groups. Research into the Jewish migrations in the Empire after 1350 has shown that people mainly moved to neighbouring cities or territories and maintained close contacts to their former homelands.^[21]

Evidence of Jewish presence in Poland is found sporadically since the mid-11^thcentury, where a community with an inner-Jewish court (“Bet Din”) is documented in a Rabbinical source.

In the 13^th century, there is further evidence showing Jewish presence in the centres of princely power (Wroclaw 1203, Płock 1237, Kalisz 1287).^[22] The privilege mentioned above, granted in 1264 by the Duke of Greater Poland, must be seen in connection with land consolidation politics. Just like there were deeds for the recruitment of farmers, craftsmen, merchants, or miners, also the Jewish privilege concerned a branch of the economy that one wanted to support particularly: the lending system. The major part of the economic regulations in the General Charter of Jewish Liberties (13 out of 36 paragraphs) was devoted to this field, whereas as far as trading was concerned, all that needed to be specified was that Jews, like Christians, had complete and unrestricted freedom of trade. Similar to the ‘charters of location’, the deed provided for municipal self-government of the new subjects. It demarcated Jewish jurisdiction from urban (in the sense of city law) jurisdiction. The ruler’s chief commander, the Voivode, was to appoint a suitable nobleman as Jew Judge (Iudex Judeorum), through whom one could appeal to the Voivode’s court, and then to the ruler’s court. The Jew Judge was in charge of litigations between Jews and gentiles, whereas in cases of inner-Jewish conflicts the Jewish “Bet Din” was in charge, chaired by the Rabbi or the elders, or both. The synagogue was the place of trial, except for cases that were heard at the Voivode’s or the monarch’s court.^[23]

Illustration 10: Woodcut of Krakow from the Nuremburg Chronicle, Michel Wolgemut, Wilhelm Pleydenwurff, 1493 | Wikimedia Commons, public domain

The Jewish quarters in the location cities were generally on the fringes of the newly created city plans. There is evidence that – similar to former merchant settlements that often formed the centre of a newly emerging city – existing core settlements were integrated into in the location city.^[24] Thus, the peripheral location of the Jewish quarters with the synagogues at their centres does not suggest exclusion or marginalization, but, on the contrary, suggests a conscious decision to include these quarters into the protection of the city walls. [Illustration 9] The oldest municipal records, dating back to the beginning of the 14^th century in Cracow, confirm that there were no restrictions on Jews to purchase or sell real estate in the city.^[25] [Illustration 10]

The earliest evidence of economic activity shows obvious parallels to the Early and High Middle Ages. Jews were found there as traders, initially in long-distance trading, later also locally. From the 12^th century onwards, they were involved in governance tasks as managers of mints and customs houses. In the 13^th century, however, Jewish economic activity in the Empire decreased, and lending took the most important place.^[26] Analogously, albeit a little later, Polish sources since the late 12^th century tell of Jews as minters in the service of various Polish dukes.^[27] In the 14th century, King Casimir put the Jew Lewko from Cracow in charge of the salt work in Wieliczka, which made him a partner in a consortium of Cracow citizens. From the 15^th century onwards, Jews served in large numbers as heads of customs houses, especially in the southeast of the Kingdom.^[28] Noteworthy are the documents on credit transactions. The very comprehensive regulations of the General Charter of Jewish Liberties (“Statute of Kalisz” or “Kalisz Privilege”) suggest that this was where the focus of Jewish economic life lay. However, the municipal documents of Cracow paint a different picture: While the oldest entries on Jews date back to the year 1301, the first lending contract between a Jew, Lewko from Cracow, and a citizen is recorded as late as in 1365. At the end of the 14^th century the said Lewko became an important lender, not only in the city but also for the King and the nobility.^[29]

Active lending was predominant in Jewish economic activity only up to the following generation, until around the beginning of the 15th century, when trade operations and hence cooperation with citizens became more important; the sources increasingly mention Jews as borrowers. In Poznan and Lviv, this development was slightly delayed but still took place in the first half of the 15th century. Over the 15^th century, economic life shows close ties between Jews and gentiles – citizens as well as nobles. Jews were not only borrowers and lenders for both citizens and nobles, but the latter also appeared as guarantors for Jews towards external creditors. In Poznan, in the first half of the 15th century, borrower’s notes with a Jewish creditor were used as securities between citizens. Hence, intensive credit relations are not a sign of exploitation and excess debt, as older historiography often has it, but are, on the contrary, proof of a high level of mutual trust, which enabled the financing of undertakings which could not be carried out by one person alone. If one looks at the credit market as a whole, Jews were involved in a mere five percent of the transactions – most of the business was between gentile partners. ^[30]

In the late 15^th century the economic structures in the Kingdom began to shift gradually. On the one hand, long-distance trading relations with the Baltic cities, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and towards the Black Sea (again since the second quarter of the 16^th century) became more important, and at the same time the situation in the cities became worse. Social conflicts among the citizenry, especially between the councillors’ families and the guild masters, who strove for political participation, needed to be canalized, and therefore one diverted the resentment to other opponents. In Cracow and later in Poznan, Jews were blamed for the economic problems. In Lemberg, residents of the suburbs were the first to feel it, and then, together with the Jews, also Armenians who lived in the city.^[31]

Polemics against immigrants

Such an exclusion policy served for distracting from other problems the cities were facing. Their political influence on the Imperial level waned in the course of the development of a Polish parliamentarism,^[32] and long-distance trade was affected by the continuing problems with the Teutonic Order on the Baltic Sea and the conquest of the northern Black Sea coast by the Ottoman empire. But anti-Jewish polemics increasingly found their way into the circles of the Polish nobility in the first half of the 16^th century. It served for distracting from the conflict with the King about participation rights (Szlachta) for the mid-ranking and petty nobility.^[33] The anti-Jewish campaign reached its peak on the 1538 Diet where several drastic restrictions against Jewish economic activity were decided. These measures, however, were not actually implemented. That the anti-Jewish laws were rather some kind of symbolic policy and aimed at addressing completely different fields of conflict became apparent in the immediate context of the negotiations during the Diet. There, envoys of the Gdansk magistrate appeared and wanted to invoke that very legislation against the Jews. The King, however, informed the envoys that the Jews paid their taxes just like other subjects of the Kingdom did and therefore also enjoyed the same rights. Depriving the Jews of their trading rights in the city would hence not be permissible, and the royal officials had been instructed to punish any violations of this decree with the utmost severity.^[34]

Illustration 11: Tombstone of Moshe Isserles in Krakow, Picture taken by Eli Ruth, 2010 | Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0

Against the background of the persecution of Jews in Central and Eastern Europe at the turn of the Modern Age, such discussions could not simply be dismissed as being insignificant. On the other hand, the legal and social situation of the Jewish population in the Kingdom of Poland was incomparably better than in the neighbouring countries. From the mid-16^th century on, statements by two eminent Jewish scholars on this question have survived. Rabbi Moses Isserles from Cracow^[35] made the following remark to an acquaintance who was to take up a position as a Rabbi in the Holy Roman Empire but then decided to return: “Rather be content with a piece of dry bread in peace, such as (we have) here[…], where the waves of their hatred do not crash over us like in the German countries”.^[36] [Illustration 11] Rabbi Hayyim ben Betsalel Friedberg^[37], who had studied together with Isserles in Cracow, wrote similarly: “As everybody knows, in the country of Rabbi Moses Iserlin (Isserles) the people of God is neither shamed nor trodden on as it is in these countries, and every Christian who enters the Jewish alley is impressed and dares not harm or hurt the Jews”.^[38]

Illustration 12: Woodcut of Bolesław II., Jan Matejko, 1879 | Wikimedia Commons, public domain

Illustration 13: Thomas II., in: Zygmunt Boras, Książęta Piastowscy Śląska. Katowice 1982 | Wikimedia Commons, public domain

Such reflections indicate the contrast to the Holy Roman Empire, where the marginalization of the Jewish population was apparent even in places where Jews could continue to live and work. However, given the conflicts and restrictions, especially in the cities, Moshe Isserles also expressed some uncertainty: “The King and the nobility favour us and further us, as long as there are no talebearers in the shade that stab us as if with a sharp sword”.^[39]

Polemics against immigrants was not a new phenomenon in the 16^th century. Already in earlier centuries xenophobic arguments had found their way into the political debate and had been used to mobilize supporters and redirect social tensions and emotions. Immigrants were invariably presented as an external threat, designed to destroy the unity of the Christian, respectively Polish, community and to cause harm to the resident population.

As early as in the mid-13^th century there was one conflict that attracted a great deal of attention, also beyond the country’s borders, and that had to do with German immigrants to Silesia. The Bishops of Cracow and Wroclaw complained about the decay of morality caused by the immigrants: These used to observe a fasting period of 40 days before Easter (i.e. from Ash Wednesday to Good Friday), while the local population traditionally observed 70 days of fasting (from Septuagesima Sunday the ninth Sunday before Easter – three weeks before Ash Wednesday). The Bishops’ disapproval was not aimed at controversies between the local population and the immigrants but at the fact that the long-established population adopted the new customs and now also observed a shorter fasting period. The Church dignitaries feared for their authority among the believers.^[40]

In 1285, Archbishop Jakób Świnka of Gniezno sent a letter to several Cardinals of the Curia, making strong complaints against the “gens teutonica” in Poland. He took up older points of contention (fasting regulations, St. Peter’s Pence, Church Tithe) but above all conjured up an external threat to the country and attributed it to the German immigration: “Now also German knights and peasants come to Poland and occupy villages and other places that have hitherto been owned by Poles […] for the Polish people are being harassed, held in contempt, shaken by wars, deprived of the laudable rights and customs of the land, taken prisoner in the silence of the night on their own land, and, what is even worse, the freedom of the Churches is violated and the discipline of the Church treated contemptuously and altogether disdainfully.”^[41] The focus of his indictment, however, was on inner-Church-matters – the support of the Silesian Franciscans for Duke Bolesław Rogatka in his dispute with Bishop Thomas II. of Wroclaw, and, above all, the conduct of the Silesian Franciscans. [Illustrations 12 and 13] The friars refused to accept locals and exclusively admitted German immigrants to their ranks.^[42] This policy of discrimination was aggravated by their decision to join the Saxon province of the Order and not the Polish-Bohemian one.

The archbishop’s bold move had no direct consequences and did not produce any political mobilization in those years.^[43] The situation was different in the first years of the 14^th century when the dispute over the Polish crown escalated into a battle between the followers of Duke Władysław Łokietek and those of Wenceslas II. of Bohemia (and later Wenceslas III.) In this situation, Jakób Świnka filed several Canonical lawsuits against the Bishop of Cracow, Jan Muskata, in 1306/08.^[44] The accusations now had an eminently political character. Jan Muskata, a follower of Wenceslas II. of Bohemia, who laid claim to the Polish Crown, was accused of conspiring against the “verus heres”, that is, against Władysław Łokietek, who was supported by the Archbishop of Gniezno. In addition, the bishop was repeatedly accused of having disadvantaged Poles in favour of Germans when appointing offices and benefices.^[45]

In this politically charged atmosphere a French Dominican monk, in his description of countries, noted in 1308 that there was a “naturale odium”, a natural antipathy between Germans and Poles.^[46] After the victory of Władysław Łokietek and the unification of the Polish lands in the re-established Kingdom since 1320, “national” antagonisms disappeared again from the political agenda.

The origins of anti-Jewish polemics in Poland, too, go back to the 13^th century. The Polish bishops proclaimed a comprehensive reform programme that cut deeply into the customs of the clergy, for example by finally enforcing clerical celibacy, but also sought to re-define the relationship of the Church to the secular authorities. In this context, the bishops polemicized against the close contacts of the gentile establishment with the Jewish elites. On the Wroclaw Synod of 1267 the Papal legate had insisted that contacts between Christians and Jews be kept to a minimum and that Jews be allowed to settle in closed residential quarters only. The reason he gave was that Christianity still was a delicate plant that needed to be protected from the harmful effects caused by contact with non-Christians. In 1285, at the Synod of Łęczyca, this catalogue of demands was added by a prohibition to award public offices to Jews. These ecclesiastical resolutions reflected less the concrete conditions in Poland than a general claim for the marginalization of the Jewish population in the economic and social life of Christian societies. Their formulaic nature is illustrated by the resolutions of the synods of Wieluń and Kalisz in 1420; not only were the old claims against the Jews repeated almost word by word, but the still young Christendom in Poland was again referred to and used as a justification.^[47]

Conclusion: “Jews” and “Germans” in medieval Poland?

In this article I have tried to show what prerequisites were created to attract “Teutonici” and “Judaei” as immigrants to promote the rulers’ land consolidation politics at very different levels. I have also tried to show how these immigrants would then grow into the economic and social structures of the country and, in turn, give fresh momentum for further economical and societal development. Interconnections between immigrants and the native population were always of an individual nature, as were those among themselves. Exclusion, on the other hand, resorted to group attributions. Thus, narratives emerged of “the Germans” and “the Jews” as supposed threats to “the Poles” or “the Christians”, and they followed political cycles and disappeared from political debates when the overall situation changed.

It is particularly evident in anti-Jewish legislation that contemporaries were perfectly capable of distinguishing between polemics and reality. The staged conflicts were dangerous because they created a “usable past”. Later generations could draw on them as models for their own purposes and present them to their audiences as some kind of “historical truth”. In this way, the narratives of “German-Polish hereditary enmity” and “Jewish enemies of God” developed a life of their own which was to poison social relations in many ways, especially in the history-loving 19^th and 20^th centuries.^[48]

Endnotes

^[1] Müller, Michael G., “Städtische Gesellschaft und territoriale Identität im Königlichen Preußen um 1600. Zur Frage der Entstehung deutscher Minderheiten in Ostmitteleuropa” in: Nordost-Archiv 6.2, 1997, pp. 565-584; Mühle, Eduard, “The real and perceived influence of minority groups in Poland in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries” in: Journal of Medieval History 45.3, 2019, pp. 389-404.

^[2] Brubaker, Rogers, Ethnicity without Groups. Cambridge [a.o.] 2004. [Brubaker, Rogers: Ethnizität ohne Gruppen, Hamburg 2007.]; Wimmer, Andreas, Nina Glick Schiller, “Methodological Nationalism and the Study of Migration” in: European Journal of Sociology 43.2, 2002, pp. 217-240; Oltmer, Jochen, Migration. Geschichte und Zukunft der Gegenwart, Darmstadt 2017, pp. 9-16.

^[3] Hardt, Matthias, “Westliche Zuwanderer im hochmittelalterlichen Landesausbau Ostmitteleuropas” in: Harald Meller, et al. (Eds.), Migration und Integration von der Urgeschichte bis zum Mittelalter. 9. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 20. bis 22. Oktober 2016 in Halle (Saale), Halle (Saale) 2017, pp. 335-343; Gładysz, Mikołaj, The forgotten crusaders. Poland and the crusader movement in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Leiden 2012.

^[4] Shepkaru, Shmuel, “The preaching of the First Crusade and the persecutions of the Jews” in: Medieval encounters. Jewish, Christian and Muslim culture in confluence and dialogue 18, 2012, pp. 93-135; Gąsiorowski, Stefan, “Żydzi na szlaku krzyżowców w drodze do Ziemi Świętej (Od pierwszej do czwartej krucjaty) ” [Jews on the route of the Crusaders on their way into the Holy Land (From the first to the fourth crusade)] in: Kijas, Zdzisław Józef; Salamon, Maciej (Eds.), IV krucjata. Historia, reperkusje, konsekwencje [The Fourth Crusade. History, repercussions, consequences], Kraków 2005, pp. 149-171.

^[5] Stopka, Krzysztof, Armenia Christiana. Armenian Religious Identity and the Churches of Constantinople and Rome (4th-15th Century), Kraków 2018.

^[6] Hardt, Matthias, “Migrants in high medieval Bohemia” in: Journal of Medieval History 45.3, 2019, pp. 380-388; Szende, Katalin, “Iure Theutonico? German settlers and legal frameworks for immigration to Hungary in an East-Central European perspective” in: Journal of Medieval History 45.3, 2019, pp. 360-379; Erlen, Peter, Europäischer Landesausbau und mittelalterliche deutsche Ostsiedlung. ein struktureller Vergleich zwischen Südwestfrankreich, den Niederlanden und dem Ordensland Preussen, Marburg 1992.

^[7] Słoń, Marek, “Warum nur ein Breslau? Versuch eines Vergleichs der Entwicklung der Städte Breslau, Prag, Krakau und Posen” in: Mühle, Eduard (Ed.), Breslau und Krakau im hohen und späten Mittelalter. Stadtgestalt‒Wohnraum‒Lebensstil, Köln 2014, pp. 9-26.

^[8] Zientara, Benedykt, “Walonowie na Śląsku w XII i XIII wieku” [Waloons in Silesia in the 12th and 13^th century] in: Przegląd Historyczny 66.3, 1975, pp. 349-368; Wyrozumski, Jerzy, “Eine Lokation oder mehrere Lokationen Krakaus nach deutschem Recht?” in: Mühle, Eduard (Ed.), Rechtsstadtgründungen im mittelalterlichen Polen, Köln 2011, p. 248; Menzel, Josef Joachim, Die schlesischen Lokationsurkunden des 13. Jahrhunderts, Würzburg 1977, pp. 7, 217-220.

^[9] Zientara, Benedykt, “The Sources and origins of the ‘German Law’ (ius teutonicum) in the Context of the Settlement Movement in Western and Central Europe (Eleventh to Twelfth Century)” in: Acta Poloniae Historica 107, 2013, pp. 179-216. [Zientara, Benedykt, “Das deutsche Recht (ius Teutonicum) und die Anfänge der städtischen Autonomie” in: Fritze, Konrad (Ed.), Autonomie, Wirtschaft und Kultur der Hansestädte, Weimar 1984, pp. 94-100.].

^[10] Helbig, Herbert, Lorenz Weinrich (Eds.), Urkunden und erzählende Quellen zur deutschen Ostsiedlung im Mittelalter. Teil 2: Schlesien, Polen, Böhmen-Mähren, Österreich, Ungarn-Siebenbürgen 77, Darmstadt 1970, p. 295; Wyrozumski, Eine Lokation oder mehrere Lokationen, p. 262; Zientara, Benedykt, “ Die deutschen Einwanderer in Polen vom 12. bis zum 14. Jahrhundert” in: Walter Schlesinger (Ed.), Die deutsche Ostsiedlung des Mittelalters als Problem der europäischen Geschichte. Reichenau-Vorträge 1970‒1972, Sigmaringen 1975, pp. 333-348.

^[11] Janeczek, Andrzej, “‘Exceptis schismaticis’. Upośledzenie Rusinów w przywilejach prawa niemieckiego Władysława Jagiełły” [‘Except the schismatics’ The discrimination of the Rusyns in the Privileges of Władysław II Jagiełło] in: Przegląd Historyczny 75, 1984, pp. 531f.

^[12] Akta grodzkie i ziemskie z czasów Rzeczypospolitej polskiej z archiwum tak zwanego bernardyńskiego we Lwowie [Urban and Countryside Documents from the Times of the Polish Republic from the so-called Bernardine Archive in Lviv], 2.45, Lwów 1870, pp. 75f (concerning the deserted village Werbiż in Red Ruthenia); on Wołczko cf.: Bałaban, Majer, “Dwa przyczynki do stosunków Jagiełły z Żydami lwowskimi. 1: Wołczko nadworny faktor Jagiełły i celnik ruski” [Two contributions to Jagiełło's relations with the Lwów Jews, 1: Wołczko as Jagiełło's court Jew and Russian customs officer] in: Bałaban, Majer, Z Historii Żydów w Polsce. Szkice i studja [From the History of Jews in Poland. Sketches and Studies], Warszawa 1920, pp. 4-11 (first in Kwartalnik Historyczny 25, 1911, pp. 228-234). The assumption of Ignacy Schipper, voiced in: Studia nad stosunkami gospodarczymi Żydów w Polsce podczas średniowiecza [Studies on the economic relations of Jews in Poland during the Middle Ages], Lwów 1911, pp. 134f, 157-161, that Wołczko had in this manner laid the foundation for a Jewish settlement in Red Ruthenia, Bałaban convincingly rejects. On the connections between Jewish economic elites and the political elites of the Kingdom, cf.: Heyde, Jürgen, Transkulturelle Kommunikation und Verflechtung. Die jüdischen Wirtschaftseliten in Polen vom 14. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden 2014, pp. 162-220; on Wołczko as locp.ator ibid., pp. 182-187.

^[13] Kowalska, Zofia, “Die großpolnischen und schlesischen Judenschutzbriefe des 13. Jahrhunderts im Verhältnis zu den Privilegien Kaiser Friedrichs II. (1238) und Herzog Friedrichs II. von Österreich (1244)” in: Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung 47.1, 1998, pp. 1-20.

^[14] Cf. Wyrozumski, Jerzy, Dzieje Krakowa. Tom 1: Kraków do schyłku wieków średnich [The History of Krakow. Vol. 1: Krakow Until the End of the Middle Ages], Kraków 1992, p. 321.

^[15] Ibid., p. 320 (Tabelle); Gąsiorowski, Antoni, “Ludność napływowa w strukturze społecznej późnośredniowiecznego Poznania” [Immigrant population in the social structure of late-medieval Poznań] in: Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Wielkopolski i Pomorza 22, 1975, p. 13.

^[16] Kucała, Marian (Ed.), Jakuba Parkosza Traktat o ortografii polskiej [The Treatise of Jakub Parkosz on Polish Spelling], Warszawa 1985; Adamska, Anna, “Od łaciny do języków wernakularnych ‒ i z powrotem. Język dokumentu średniowiecznego w świetle nowszych badań” [From Latin to Vernacular Languages - and back again. The Language of the Medieval Document in the Light of Recent Research] in: Adamska, Anna, Paweł Kras (Eds.), Kultura pisma w średniowieczu. Znane problemy, nowe metody [Writing Culture in Medieval Times. Wellknown Issues and new Methods], Lublin 2013, pp. 51-100.

^[17] Friedrich, Karin, “Cives Cracoviae. Bürgertum im frühneuzeitlichen Krakau zwischen Stadtpatriotismus und nationaler Pluralität” in: Marina Dmitrieva, Karen Lambrecht (Eds.), Krakau, Prag und Wien. Funktionen von Metropolen im frühmodernen Staat, Stuttgart 2000, pp. 143-161; Noga, Zdzislaw, “Mehrsprachigkeit im Krakauer Stadtrat im späten 15. und 16. Jahrhundert” in: Bömelburg, Hans-Jürgen, Norbert Kersken (Eds.), Mehrsprachigkeit in Ostmitteleuropa (1400-1700). kommunikative Praktiken und Verfahren in gemischtsprachigen Städten und Verbänden, Marburg 2020, pp. 63-71.

^[18] Noga, Mehrsprachigkeit, p. 71; See also: Bömelburg, Hans-Jürgen, Frühneuzeitliche Nationen im östlichen Europa. Das polnische Geschichtsdenken und die Reichweite einer humanistischen Nationalgeschichte (1500‒1700), Wiesbaden 2006, pp. 60-62; Bieniarzówna, Janina, Małeck, Jan i, Dzieje Krakowa. Tom 2: Kraków w wiekach XVI-XVIII [The History of Krakow. Vol. 2: Krakow in the 16th-18th Centuries], Kraków ²1994, pp. 75f.

^[19] Heyde, Jürgen, “Juden zwischen Deutschland und Polen in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit” in: Bingen, Dieter et al. (Eds.), Die Deutschen und die Polen. Geschichte einer Nachbarschaft, Darmstadt 2016, pp. 122-131; Reiner, Elchanan, “The Rise of an Urban Community. Some Insights on the Transition from the Medieval Ashkenazi to the 16^th Century Jewish Community in Poland” in: Kwartalnik Historii Żydów / Jewish History Quarterly, 3.207, 2003, pp. 363-372.

^[20] Concerning the expulsions: Wenninger, Markus J., Man bedarf keiner Juden mehr. Ursachen und Hintergründe ihrer Vertreibung aus den deutschen Reichsstädten im 15. Jahrhundert, Wien, Köln 1981.

^[21] Stampfer, Shaul, “Settling down in Eastern Europe” in: Grill, Tobias (Ed.), Jews and Germans in Eastern Europe. Shared and Comparative Histories, Berlin 2018, pp. 1-20; Stampfer, Shaul, “Violence and the Migration of Ashkenazi Jews to Eastern Europe” in: Avrutin, Eugene M., Harriet Murav & John Klier (Eds.), Jews in the East European Borderlands. Essays in Honor of John D. Klier, Boston 2012, pp. 127-146; Straten, Jits van, “Early Modern Polish Jewry. The Rhineland Hypothesis Revisited” in: Historical Methods 40.1, 2007, pp. 39-50; Toch, Michael, “Die Verfolgungen des Spätmittelalters” in: Maimon, Arye, Mordechai Breuer & Yaacov Guggenheim (Eds.), Germania Judaica, vol. III.3, Tübingen 2003, pp. 2298-2327.

^[22] Zaremska, Hanna, Juden im mittelalterlichen Polen und die Krakauer Judengemeinde, Osnabrück 2013, pp. 61-103; Heyde, Jürgen, “Jüdische Siedlung und Gemeindebildung im mittelalterlichen Polen” in: Cluse, Christoph (Ed.), Jüdische Gemeinden und ihr christlicher Kontext in kulturräumlich vergleichender Betrachtung. von der Spätantike bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, Hannover 2003 (Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden: A, Abhandlungen; 13), pp. 249-266.

^[23] Zaremska, Juden im mittelalterlichen Polen, pp. 105-137.

^[24] Krasnowolski, Bogusław, “Muster urbanistischer Anlagen von Lokationsstädten in Kleinpolen” in: Mühle, Eduard (Ed.), Rechtsstadtgründungen im mittelalterlichen Polen, Köln 2011, pp. 275-322; Piechotka, Maria, Kazimierz Piechotka, Krajobraz z menorą. Żydzi w miastach i miasteczkach dawnej Rzeczpospolitej / Maria i Kazimierz Piechotkowie [Landscape with a Menorah. Jews in the Cities and Towns of the Former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth], Wrocław 2008; Piechotka, Maria, Kazimierz Piechotka, Oppidum Judaeorum. żydzi w przestrzeni miejskiej dawnej Rzeczypospolitej [Oppidum Judaeorum: Jews in the Urban Space of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth], Warszawa 2004; Wiesiołowski, Jacek, Socjotopografia późnośredniowiecznego Poznania [Sociotopography of late medieval Poznań], Poznań ²1997, pp. 179-184.

^[25] Heyde, Transkulturelle Kommunikation, pp. 88-96.

^[26] Wenninger, Markus J., “Juden als Münzmeister, Zollpächter und fürstliche Finanzbeamte im mittelalterlichen Aschkenas” in: Toch, Michael (Ed.), Wirtschaftsgeschichte der mittelalterlichen Juden. Fragen und Einschätzungen, München 2008 (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs: Kolloquien; 71), pp. 121-138.

^[27] Gorlińska, Dobrochna, Żydzi w administracji skarbowej polskich władców czasu rozbicia dzielnicowego [Jews in the tax administration of Polish rulers of the time of the division breakdown], Kraków 2015.

^[28] Heyde, Jürgen, “Jüdische Eliten in Polen zu Beginn der Frühen Neuzeit” in: Aschkenas – Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur der Juden 13.1, 2003, pp. 127-129; Horn, Maurycy, “Żydzi i mieszczanie na służbie królów polskich i wielkich książąt litewskich w latach 1386-1506. 1: Uwagi wstępne. Bankierzy i celnicy;2: Żupnicy, zarządcy mennic, dostawcy, rzemieślnicy i lekarze dworscy. Udział w podróżach dyplomatycznych” [Jews and Townspeople in the Service of Polish Kings and Grand Dukes of Lithuania in the Years 1386-1506, 1: Introductory Remarks, Bankers and Customs Officials, 2: Salt-Merchants, Mint Managers, Suppliers, Craftsmen and Court Doctors. Participation in Diplomatic Travels] in: Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego 135-136, 1985, pp. 3-19, 137-138, 1986, pp. 3-17.

^[29] Zaremska, Juden im mittelalterlichen Polen, pp. 389-405; Bałaban, Majer, Historia Żydów w Krakowie i na Kazimierzu 1304-1868 [The History of Jews in Kraków and Kasimir], vol. 1, Kraków 1931, pp. 16-23.

^[30] Heyde, Transkulturelle Kommunikation, pp. 97-126.

^[31] Ibid., pp. 126-161; Nożyński, Tadeusz, “Żydzi poznańscy w XV wieku 1379-1502” [The Jews of Poznań in the 15th Century (1379-1502)] in: Kronika miasta Poznania 10, 1932, pp. 86-99, 249-263; Bałaban, Historia Żydów w Krakowie 1, pp. 55-66, 210-229; Charewiczowa, Łucja, “Ograniczenia gospodarcze nacyj schizmatyckich i Żydów we Lwowie XV wieku” [Economic Limitations of Schismatic Nations and Jews in Lviv in the 15th Century] in: Kwartalnik Historyczny 39, 1925, pp. 193-227.

^[32] Burkhardt, Julia, Reichsversammlungen im Spätmittelalter. Politische Willensbildung in Polen, Ungarn und Deutschland, Ostfildern 2011, pp. 25-90.

^[33] Heyde, Jürgen, “Ad cautelam defensionis contra iudeos. Juden als Thema politischer Debatten im Königreich Polen in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts” in: Gromelski, Tomasz et al. (Eds.), Frühneuzeitliche Reiche in Europa. Das Heilige Römische Reich und Polen-Litauen im Vergleich, Wiesbaden 2016, pp. 173-187; Heyde, Jürgen, “Polemics and Participation – Anti-Jewish Legislation is the Polish Diet (Sejm) in the 16th Century and its Political Contexts” in: Kleinmann, Yvonne, Stephan Stach & Tracie L. Wilson (Eds.), Religion in the Mirror of Law. Eastern European Perspectives from the Early Modern Period to 1939, Frankfurt am Main 2016, pp. 3-20.

^[34] Heyde, Transkulturelle Kommunikation, pp. 156–158.

^[35] Rabbi Mose ben Israel Isserles was born around 1520 in Cracow and worked there until his death in 1572. One of his most influental works was the commentary on the legal codification “Schulchan Aruch” by Rabbi Joseph Caro who worked in Safed. Isserles thus adapted the Sephardic legal tradition for Ashkenazy Jewry. Cf. Reiner, Elchanan, “The Ashkenazi Élite at the Beginning of the Modern Era: Manuscript versus Printed Book” in: Polin 10, 1997, pp. 85-98; Siev, Asher, “The RAMA” in: Tradition 2, 1959/60, pp. 132-144; Lew, Myer S., The Jews of Poland. Their Political, Economic, Social and Communal Life in the Sixteenth Century as reflected in the Works of Rabbi Moses Isserles, London 1944.

^[36] Quoted from Netzer, Shlomo, Wanderungen der Juden und Neusiedlung in Osteuropa, in: Michael Brocke (Ed.), Beter und Rebellen. Aus 1000 Jahren Judentum in Polen, Frankfurt/Main 1983, p. 44.

^[37] Rabbi Hayyim was born in Poznan between 1520 and 1530. After studying in Cracow and Lublin, he went to Worms in 1549, where an uncle of his was a rabbi, to continue his studies there. In 1564 he finally took over the office of Rabbi in Friedberg, where he worked and lived until his death in 1588. Cf. Sherwin, Byron L., “In the Shadows of Greatness. Rabbi Hayyim Ben Betsalel of Friedberg” in: Jewish Social Studies 37. 3-4, 1975, pp. 35-60.

^[38] Quoted from Weinryb, Bernhard D., The Jews of Poland. A Social and Economic History of the Jewish Community from 1100 to 1800, Philadelphia 1972, p. 166.

^[39] Quoted from Rosman, Moshe J., “Jewish Perceptions of Insecurity and Powerlessness in 16th-18th century Poland” in: Polin 1, 1986, p. 21, note 19.

^[40] Menzel, Josef Joachim, “Die Akzeptanz des Fremden in der mittelalterlichen deutschen Ostsiedlung” in: Patschovsky, Alexander, Harald Zimmermann (Eds.), Toleranz im Mittelalter, Sigmaringen 1998, p. 211; Strzelczyk, Jerzy, “Die Wahrnehmung des Fremden im mittelalterlichen Polen” in: Engels, Odilo (Ed.), Die Begegnung des Westens mit dem Osten. Kongreßakten des 4. Symposions des Mediävistenverbandes in Köln [vom 11.‒14. März] 1991 aus Anlaß des 1000. Todesjahres der Kaiserin Theophanu, Sigmaringen 1993, pp. 211f.

^[41] Helbig, Weinrich (Ed.), Urkunden und erzählende Quellen 2.71, pp. 273, 275; Cf. Menzel, Akzeptanz des Fremden, pp. 217f.; Zientara, Benedykt, “Cudzoziemcy w Polsce X-XV wieku. Ich rola w zwierciadle polskiej opinii średniowiecznej” [Foreigners in Poland in the 10th-15th centuries. Their Role in the Mirror of Polish Medieval Opinion] in: Stefanowska, Zofia (Ed.), Swojskość i cudzoziemszczyzna w dziejach kultury polskiej [Homogenity and Otherness in the History of Polish Culture], Warszawa 1973, pp. 26-28.

^[42] Cf. Queen Kunigunde‘s letter to Abbess Agnes von Trebnitz: Strzelczyk, Wahrnehmung des Fremden, p. 212.

^[43] Gawlas, Sławomir, “Die mittelalterliche Nationsbildung am Beispiel Polens” in: Bues, Almut, Rex Rexheuser (Eds.), Mittelalterliche nationes – neuzeitliche Nationen. Probleme der Nationenbildung in Europa, Wiesbaden 1995, pp. 135f.

^[44] Gawlas, Sławomir, “Człowiek uwikłany w wielkie procesy – przykład Muskaty” [Man in Great Processes – The Example of Jan Muskat] in: Michałowski, Roman (Ed.), Człowiek w społeczeństwie średniowiecznym [Man in Medieval Society], Warszawa 1997, pp. 391-401.

^[45] Zientara, Cudzoziemcy, p. 22.

^[46] Górka, O. (Ed.), Anonymi Descriptio Europae Orientalis, Cracoviae 1916, p. 56; Cf. Zientara, Cudzoziemcy, p. 20.

^[47] Heyde, Transkulturelle Kommunikation, pp. 34-39; Kalik, Judith, “Ha-jachasim bein ha-knesiah hakatolit le-Jehudim be-memalkat Polin-Lita (The Catholic Church and the Jews in Poland)” in: Bartal, Israel, Israel Gutman (Eds.), Kijum we-shever. Jehudei Polin le-doroteihem (The Broken Chain: Polish Jewry through the Ages), vol. 1, Jerusalem 1997, pp. 193-208; Vetulani, Adam, “The Jews in medieval Poland” in: The Jewish Journal of Sociology 4, 1962, pp. 274-293.

^[48] See also the article by A. Pufelska "Perceptions of Germans and Jews as the Enemy in Poland: Similarities and Differences".

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