Illustration 1: Percentage of the Jewish population in Galicia 1910, by Furfur, German translation of the original file made by Daniel_Baránek | via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0

Illustration 2: German settlements in Galicia 1813, by R A Rysunki | via Polona, public domain

Illustration 3: Cityscape Lemberg, postcard, 1910 | © Herder-Institut

Illustration 4: Cityscape Cracow, postcard, before 31.01.1906 | © Herder-Institut

Germans and Jews in the Local Area: A History of Entanglement in Galicia?

Introduction

Historians who do research on the entanglement of German-Jewish history in Eastern Central Europe in the 19th century will mostly study the social level of advanced culture and analyse the German-Jewish contacts in the Haskala-, and reform movement.^[1] One would, for instance, analyse any mutual exchange about the architecture of reform synagogues, or exchange in the field of art, such as the German-language literature of the East.^[2] All of these are elite phenomena, especially in light of the generally low level of literacy. Studies dedicated to the potential mutual dependencies and interdependencies of Germans and Jews in everyday life and looking into German-Jewish coexistence during a defined period and within a defined local area, are less popular. I assume the failure to include the field of mutual everyday contact into historical research has to do with the respective legal and social positions of these sub-sections of the population.

In this essay, I will therefore examine the differences in status between Jews and Germans in Galicia.^[3] [Illustration 1 and 2] I will explore the actual opportunities for any German-Jewish entanglement at that time on the example of the legal practices in two Galician cities on the periphery of the Habsburg Monarchy in the 19^th century: Lemberg (pol. Lwów, ukr. L'viv) and Cracow (pol. Kraków, yid. Kroka). [Illustration 3 and 4] Cracow and Lemberg were often described as the only islands of civilization in an ocean of backwardness.^[4] While Lemberg became the political capital of Galicia, Cracow remained the administrative centre for West-Galicia and a centre of Polish culture and education. Apart from that, Cracow was considered as conservative and “dead serious” whereas Lemberg was seen as a democratic and vibrant city.^[5] Did these political complexions have an influence of any kind on the mutual entanglements of the local Jews and Germans?

Illustration 5: Nationalities in the Habsburg Monarchy 1911, by William Robert Shepherd | lib.utexas.edu via Wikimedia Commons, public domain

Illustration 6: Map of Krakow 1836, the Jewish neighborhood was located in Kazimierz, by Teofil Żebrawski and Heinrich Kliewer | via RCIN, public domain

It should be noted that, of all topics, the historical sciences have hardly touched those that could shed light on the actual German-Jewish interdependencies in Eastern Central Europe. Thus, for example, the analysis of one quite interesting group is still to be made, namely the members of the k.u.k. military stationed in Cracow, a fortress city at the time, and in Lemberg, a garrison town. There were “German Jews” among them, supporters of the reform movement, and some of them made contacts with the local temple-goers (pol. postępowcy). Again, this is a phenomenon within a small and specific elite. At the same time, the extensive professional and family networks that connected the two Galician cities with Vienna or with other Austrian or German cities^[6] certainly led to entanglements and interdependencies that have thus far been explored but rudimentarily and in one direction only: from Galicia to Vienna.^[7]

Statistics

The statisticians of the time avoided categories of nations and nationalities and instead grouped populations along confessional and linguistic lines. According to the census of 1857 28.026 Roman Catholics, as well as 4.209 Greek Catholics, 31 members of the Orthodox Church, 808 Protestants, 22.586 Jews, and 2 persons of other faiths lived in Lemberg at the time.^[8] Cracow counted 20.909 Roman Catholics, 45 Greek Catholics, 28 members of the Orthodox Church, 291 Protestants, and 12.937 Jews.

In the censuses that followed, one got categorized both by confession and by language, with Yiddish not officially recognized as a language of its own.^[9] In 1900, of 159.877 residents of Lemberg 120.634 spoke Polish, 20.408 German, and 15.159 Ruthenian. Of these, 44.258 were of Mosaic faith and 2.844 were Protestants.

Cracow had 91.323 residents, of which 78.563 spoke Polish, 6.576 spoke German, and 249 spoke Ruthenian. Of all Cracow residents, 25.670 were Jews. [Illustration 5]

These figures show that in both cities Protestants constituted only a very small group and that one was much more likely to meet a Catholic or a Jew than a Protestant. Both, Lemberg and Cracow, were multi-confessional and multi-ethnic, yet with the Christian faith clearly dominating, as in the rest of Galicia.

In both cities, the “Israelites”, as people of Mosaic faith were then called, made up more than 30% of the residents. The term “Israelites” was used in an inclusive way to refer to all members of a confessional community. Every Jew – as any other person of a different faith – had to register as a member of a confessional community. Galician Jews were predominantly orthodox (many Hassidic) and mostly lived in closed neighbourhoods that were segregated from the Christian neighbourhoods. This was particularly perceivable in Cracow, where the Jewish quarter had developed out of the former “Jewish town”, had walls, and was separated from the city centre by a river. [Illustration 6]

In Lemberg, with several Jewish neighbourhoods dispersed around the city centre, the ethnic and confessional terrain was considerably more complex than in Cracow.^[10] While Jews were more often merchants than craftsmen by occupation, Protestants and Catholics were predominantly craftsmen, servants, or salaried employees.^[11] Jews were in fact among the most heavily taxed residents, but this affected only a very small group^[12], as the “Luftmenschen” and the less well-off Jewish residents were far more numerous.^[13]

A difficult definition

When we speak of the Jews of Galicia, we often speak of their affinity to the German language. That Galician Jews described themselves as German-speaking even though they predominantly spoke Yiddish resulted in a distortion of the statistics in the Habsburg Empire. Historians often refer to school systems and school experiments in this context and there exist several studies on German schools in Galicia and the Jews that attended them.^[14]

The findings of historical studies on Jewish schools and the language spoken in these schools fit in well with the above-mentioned studies that cover the Haskala and the reform of Judaism. The school experiments had been initiated by the Habsburg Administration and were conducted by the German-speaking maskilim, who are described as agitators of a universal “civilizing mission”. The idealistic goals of the enlightenment and the “civilizational elevation” of the Galician Jews were therefore associated with the German language and with German culture, as they generally were in Eastern Central Europe.^[15] Only scant attention is given to the fact that those idealistic expectations were largely informed by the image of a “celestial Germany” and had very little to do with the Germans who lived in Galicia and the everyday life one shared with them. German culture was a distant ideal: “Clandestinely, and hidden behind folios of the Talmud, one was reading Schiller and Lessing.”^[16]

Illustration 7: Naphtali Herz Homberg before 1841 | The Pritzker Family National Photography Collection, The National Library of Israel, Abraham Schwadron collection (Schwad 02 05 27)

The Galician reform schools and their spheres of influence were geographically dispersed. For instance there was no German school in Cracow, as orthodoxy was so powerful there that it prevented the founding of a reform school, whereas in Lemberg, as in all of Eastern Galicia, there existed several German-speaking schools of various levels.^[17] Dirk Sadowski has analyzed the practices proposed in Herz Homberg’s school reform.^[18] [Illustration 7] At variance with earlier research that underlined the Germanizing intention of these practices, Sadowski holds that they mainly aimed at creating a Jewish middle class backing the rule of the Empire in Galicia, a view also supported by the latest Polish research.^[19] Therefore, even though these schools undoubtedly contributed to an increased use of the German language and an enhanced awareness of German culture among Jews in Galicia, one should not regard them as primarily an instrument of Germanization. The Habsburg monarchy, however, was too little interested in Galician Jews as partners to pursue an explicit Germanization policy. One either lacked interest or was at a loss at how to deal with this “foreign mass”. This is reflected in the clearly reluctant regulation of the legal status of Jewish communities: Not until 1890 were they granted autonomy, and interventions from outside were restricted to the necessary minimum.^[20]

Illustration 8: First Polish Republic 1619, by Poznaniak | © via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0

Illustration 9: The Partitions of Poland in 1772, 1793 and 1795, by Halibutt | via Wikimedia Commons, public domain

The territory of the First Polish Republic [Illustration 8] was partitioned among its neighbouring states (Prussia, Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire) during the late 18^th century. [Illustration 9] Legally, the Austrian part, Galicia, was integrated into the Habsburg Empire and thus subject to its framework legislation.

Illustration 10: December-Constitution 1867 | via Wikimedia Commons, public domain

The December Constitution (21 December 1867) [Illustration 10] granted all Galicians equality before the law, regardless of origin or faith.^[21] People of Jewish faith now enjoyed legal equality with Christians and were henceforth allowed to settle and work in those parts of town from which they had been banned until then, and to participate in the administration of all urban districts, not only the Jewish quarters.^[22] As a “collective body”, Jews were not recognized as a separate nationality but merely as a religious community, and hence they did not qualify for any special rights.

In his much-cited book, Gerald Stourzh has meticulously described how little at ease the Habsburg Administration was with Jews in general.^[23] Even though it was clear from the beginning that the Jews were not a nationality as they neither had an autochthonic settlement area nor a “customary” national language, one could still not agree on any other adequate term for the “Jewry”. Tribe, ethnic tribe, or language community were among the terms considered, and so were other labellings, with each of them favoured during their own time.

Illustration 11: Former Galician parliament Sejm krajowy, postcard, 1919 | © Herder-Institut

By granting equality, the monarchy and its German-speaking administration gained the favour and the loyalty of many Jewish circles that feared the old discriminations and inequalities under territorial autonomy and supported centralism as a guarantee for equal rights.^[24] However, as Börris Kuzmany presents in detail in his book on the frontier town of Brody, at the end of the century, sympathies for the Central government waned and made room for a growing loyalty to the province.^[25] Kuzmany sees this as a natural and pragmatic development.

Germans

Unlike the Jews, Germans in the Danube Monarchy were recognized as a nation from the very beginning, and the German language was described as a national language. Whenever we speak of the Germans in Galicia, we usually mention that they typically were Catholics and Habsburg public officials and often deployed by the power centre to administrate and pacify the provinces along their lines. The era of the “Germans” ended with the so-called Galician autonomy in 1866, when Polish was introduced as a language of government besides German and Ruthenian. The public officials who had been seconded from Austria had to vacate their seats for their Polish successors. As Isabel Röskau-Rydel describes, there was one group of officials who decided to stay.^[26] In the course of their acculturation to the Polish environment, however, their “Germanness” quickly “neutralized”. As many of the German public servants were Catholics, distances were not too difficult to bridge.^[27] The important nexus between alien ethnicity and alien faith fell away, which was significant in other partitioned territories, because the merging of the two identities, the national one and the religious one, reinforced their bearers’ alienness and thereby their visibleness (Prussian= Protestant, Russian= Orthodox). In the case of the Galician Jews, this powerful nexus between alien faith and alien ethnicity retained its effect despite their equal legal status.

Lately, the common description of the Habsburg Monarchy as the “prison of nations” is being challenged, as is the classification of its citizens along national borders/ the borders of nationality.^[28] It is being pointed out that national identities were of little significance in everyday life, and that various identities and loyalties, even conflicting ones, actually co-existed and could be ‘activated’ in turn as the situation demanded. The same scepticism is characteristic for research on Galicia. The Galician administrative unit has often been described as a conflict-zone, as the Piemont of Ukrainians and the Polish yet not the Germans,^[29] and as the region where Zionists fought for Jewish autonomy. At the same time, Galicia is known to have produced multiple identities. A German could be a Catholic, a Protestant, or a Jew, and the same was true for the Polish, who could likewise belong to one faith or another. This shows that nationality ascriptions were not categorical but could vary according to the situation. We can therefore paraphrase Svjatoslav Pacholkiv’s assessment of the Polish-Ukrainian coexistence, and pointedly state: National identities were “results of a more or less voluntary personal decision,”^[30] whereas confessional identities were stable and far more significant in the 19^th century and therefore had comparatively greater relevance. It makes perfect sense that Austrian statisticians asked about people’s religion and their language and not about their nationality.

In this context, there was still an insurmountable barrier between Christians and Jews in that interdenominational marriage was prohibited. There are, however, reports of a small number of Jews who converted to Protestantism, but it remains unclear whether this originated in a commitment to “being German” or merely coincided with it.^[31]

It is also not clear, whether one indeed always understood self-attributions of nationality as a commitment to a certain nation and its cultural reference system.

It might also be the case that, over the entire period, such self-attributions of nationality meant neither ethnic nor authentic national affiliation but rather served to indicate a person’s individual civil status in society. Thus, for example, one’s affiliation to either the German or the Polish culture was a characteristic and a distinguishing mark of social advancement: when speaking of “the Polish” one had hitherto referred to a noble social formation (pol. szlachta) of various Christian religious denominations, and this attribution absolutely maintained its validity throughout the nineteenth century.

The Polish-Jewish sociologist Aleksander Herz has pointed out that the Jewish population in the Polish-Lithuanian modern Poland constituted a kind of caste.^[32] As a Jew, one was born into this quasi-estate which it was impossible to leave without radically breaking with one’s social milieu, as f. i. the family. Conversion to the Catholic faith, however, offered a thorny path to social ascent, at least for some few Jewish individuals.

In the pre-modern tradition of social division into estates, all Christians, whether Catholic, Protestant, or Orthodox, were clearly separated from their Jewish neighbours. “The Jewish estate” was legally separated from the other estates, and it was largely autonomous. The Jews took on governmental responsibilities, including playing their part in the defence of the cities. On the other hand, they reserved the right for economic activities. Thus, for instance, Jews took on trading activities and money transactions, which were forbidden for Christians, yet they were banned from a civil service career, which in turn was open to Christians, including Protestants. As a result, the exclusion of Jews was twofold; they were excluded by both “estate” and religious denomination.

While the Christian denominations had their own hierarchy,^[33] Jews were categorically subordinate to Christians in general.

The question is, whether it might not be appropriate to describe the Jews and the Christians of Galicia in terms of estate rather than describing them in terms of nationality. It is obvious that neither the monarchy nor the Galician administration showed any pronounced interest to change the legal and social status of the Jews in their entirety, whereas there were strong tendencies to maintain the status quo as a quasi-estate. Moreover, among the Jews themselves there was a decided tendency to maintain autonomy and the traditional state of the religious communities.

The earlier legal situation described above that treated Jews collectively as a quasi-estate or caste conflicted with their equal status. Such inconsistency is characteristic for the treatment of the Galician Jews throughout the 19^th century.

The Galician legal system

Historical research describes 19th century Galicia as a Habsburg territory where official equal status did little to change the preserved hierarchy of estates. The structure of the Diet of Galicia and Lodomeria established after 1861 (pol. Sejm krajowy) [Illustration 11] reflected this social phenomenon. There was the curia of the large landowners, the “nobility”, the curia of the chamber of industry and commerce of the big cities, that of the towns that often were nothing more than larger villages, and the curia of the remaining communities, nominally that of the peasantry.^[34] The big cities were represented almost entirely by “citizens of the Mosaic faith” as delegates of the respective chambers of industry and commerce. The seats in this curia were exclusively held by acculturated Jews, with Cracow delegating a representative of Polish orientation and Lemberg and Brody delegating a representative of German orientation.^[35] With the “agrarians” outvoting them, the delegates of the towns were hardly able to assert their interests. The large landowners, the nobles, retained political power; they dominated Galician politics and were interested in maintaining the status quo.

The clergy played a major role. It was represented in the regional parliament by the delegated bishops (virilists), some of whom even came from the aristocracy. The priesthood of all religions enjoyed considerable authority and influence in daily life as well.

The December Constitution of 1867 had to be ratified in the parliaments of the crown lands, and the corresponding discussions in the Galician assembly show that there was considerable “Christian” opposition to the political equalization of the Jews.^[36] In the views of many conservative deputies, granting Jews equal rights was not removing discrimination against them but rather granting them an unfair privilege. They were worried that especially the peasants would automatically become victims of “Jewish dominance”. Yet one had to come to terms with the equal status decreed from above, despite such objections. The autonomy of the crownlands, however, permitted them to seek regional solutions for matters deemed controversial, which provided a certain potential “remedy” for the problem; ^[37] In Galicia, autonomy allowed for a continued privileging of Christians, Protestants included.

The Municipality law of March 15, 1861 (Gemeindegesetz) shows this quite clearly. The version ratified in Galicia on August 12, 1866, contained paragraphs that allow for a differential treatment of Jewish affairs within the administrative areas.^[38] Even though it said that only fellow believers of a certain faith were to be in charge of their respective religious needs, it underlined “Israelite affairs” as a special case. On the one hand, this protected the vested rights of the respective denomination, on the other hand any costs incurred for the maintenance of denominational institutions or initiatives were to be borne exclusively by its members.

Welfare work was considered a religious duty and it included offering various charitable services such caring for the old, the sick, the destitute, and the orphaned, as well as maintaining denominational schools. Charity work was not only an important aspect of the emergence of a civil society at the time and the origin of many associations, but it was also a form of sociability. It offered opportunities for the urban middle class to socialize among themselves, to mobilize, to consolidate, and to present and represent itself. Besides, in the wake of urbanization, industrialization, and democratization, the “social question” gradually gained in importance.^[39] Social policies remained of marginal interest with the local administrations nonetheless, and were organized and implemented exclusively along the lines of denomination during the entire period of autonomy. In Galicia, even in Cracow and Lemberg, charity work independent of religious denomination was rare.^[40] Administrative concepts and administrative practices along traditional denominational lines preserved and solidified the separation of Jews from the Christian groups and reinforced the old, superseded view on them as a caste.

With the Jews socially separated from Christian Germans in this manner, opportunities for possible interactions – let alone shared activities – were limited. There clearly did not exist any joint charities through which Jews and Germans could have presented themselves as on equal footing.

Statutory cities

Such legal separation is also noticeable in the two cities discussed here in that the same discussions on equality that were held in the Galician regional assembly also came up there.

The only two major cities in Galicia – Lemberg and Cracow – were different in their legal status, as they counted among the “statutory cities”.^[41] This implied that the local elites had the right to modify the otherwise binding city statutes so as to align them with their economic profile.

Both, the Cracow and the Lemberg city statute, had a main part that set out competencies of the city administration, electoral procedures, as well as rights and duties of the citizens, and that was not substantially different from the statutes of other cities in the monarchy.^[42] Only Lemberg formed an exception in that it based its electoral system on one chamber (curia) instead of three curiae, as was common in other cities; the few citizens entitled to vote were divided into curiae according to property, the amount of taxes paid, and their level of education. Such exceptional electoral regulations, introduced to restrict from the start the participation of (wealthy) Jews in the city parliament, were unique in the entire monarchy and are proof of the Christian majority’s obstruction against Jewish equality. The reason why the higher administrative authorities tolerated this inconsistency is not known.

Furthermore, the Cracow as well as the Lemberg statute contained passages that regulated the municipality’s relations with the local Jewish community: “Vom Einflusse der Gemeindebehörde auf die Angelegenheiten der verschiedenen Religionsbekenntnisse” [“On the influence of municipal authorities on the affairs of the various religious denominations”].^[43] These passages reiterated the exceptional provisions that had already been included in the Municipality law. They were altered only marginally during the Galician period.^[44]

The relevant passages of the city statutes are attached to this essay. The first paragraph cites the areas of life that fell under the responsibility of the religious community. The last paragraph mentions a municipal department specifically appointed to deal with Jewish (Cracow) or Christian (Lemberg) affairs. This institutionalized the separation of religious denominations at municipal level.

These legal provisions, which were quite in accordance with the Habsburg administration’s indifference towards the “collective of Jews”, reinforced the social phenomenon that Jews were collectively treated as a denominational group separated from Christians.

Conclusion

The thesis that there existed a close German-Jewish entanglement was put forward with focus on the higher cultural level and therefore applies to some very few representatives of the Galician elites only. These few high-ranking individuals undeniably contributed to shaping German culture, they were involved in politics, and maintained a lively exchange with the German Austrians.

In other cases, a commitment to being German was mainly idealistic in origin and can not be seen on the same level as the encounters and mutual entanglements in everyday life. This, of course, partly renders research into German-Jewish everyday history unnecessary. In the case of Galicia, we are very probably looking at a persistent myth: the myth of a German-Jewish symbiosis. It might be interesting to explore whether this myth is part of the “Galician myth” which describes the region as a kind of multi-confessional and multi-ethnic Arcadia.

Germans and Jews in Galicia – and this includes both the Galician big cities – were two population groups that, from the start, had different legal and social status and that were separated from each other, and hence very little “entangled”. Of all research fields, the ones that could produce evidence of such entanglements in individual cases have not been explored yet.

In Galicia, the estate system in which Jews were perceived as a quasi-estate persisted, both in liberal, vibrant Lemberg and even in conservative, serious Cracow. It constituted an obstacle and prevented any deeper exchange or interaction of Jews with non-Jews – and hence the Germans – in everyday life. While national attributions were temporary and interchangeable, the religious domination continued to be valid.

Even the various cultural and social resources of both cities could not prevent the municipal laws that determined the separation of Jews and Christians – and therefore Germans – in their respective fulfilment of social obligations and charity work.

Endnotes

^[1] Polonsky, Antony, The Jews in Poland and Russia, Vol. I, Oxford 2010, pp. 259f.

^[2] Kłańska, Maria, Daleko od Wiednia. Galicja w oczach pisarzy niemieckojęzycznych 1772–1918 [Far Away from Vienna. Galicia as Seen by German Writers 1772–1918], Kraków 1991.

^[3] However, I do not take into consideration a possible entanglement between Jews and German colonists, which had been settling in Galicia in villages of their own since the times of emperor Joseph II. Urbanitsch, Peter, “Die Deutschen”, in: Wandruszka, Adam, Peter Urbanitsch (Ed.), Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, vol. III: Die Völker des Reiches, part 1, Wien 2003, p. 40.

^[4] Rudolf Mark finds that only these two larger Galician communities had caught up with the standards of Western civilization, Mark, Rudolf A., Galizien unter österreichischen Herrschaft. Verwaltung – Kirche – Bevölkerung, Marburg 1994, p. XI.

^[5] Binder, Harald, “Politische Öffentlichkeit in Galizien. Lemberg und Krakau im Vergleich”, in: Hofmann, Andreas R., Anna Veronika Wendland (Ed.), Stadt und Öffentlichkeit in Ostmitteleuropa 1900–1939. Beitrage zur Entstehung moderner Urbanität zwischen Berlin, Charkiv, Tallinn und Triest, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 259-280.

^[6] Holzer, Jerzy, “Vom Orient die Fantasie, und in der Brust der Slawen Feuer…. Jüdisches Leben und Akkulturation im Lemberg des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts”, in: Fäßler, Peter, Thomas Held, Dirk Sawitzki (Ed.), Lemberg-Lwów-Lviv. Eine Stadt im Schnittpunkt europäischer Kulturen, Köln et al 1995, pp. 83f.

^[7] Hödl, Klaus, Als Bettler in die Leopoldstadt. Galizischen Juden auf dem Weg nach Wien, Wien 1994.

^[8] Statistic overviews 1857, according to Zamorski, Krzysztof, Informator statystyczny do dziejów społeczno-gospodarczych Galicji. Ludność Galicji w latach 1857–1910 [Statistical Information on the Social and Economic History of Galicia. The Population of Galicia from 1857 to 1910], Kraków, Warszawa 1989, pp. 72f.; Bihl, Wolfdieter, “Die Juden”, in: Wandruszka, Adam, Peter Urbanitsch (Ed.), Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, vol. III: Die Völker des Reiches, part 2, Wien 2003, p. 885.

^[9] Zamorski 1989, pp. 11-14.

^[10] Pacholkiv, Svjatoslav, “Zwischen Einbeziehung und Ausgrenzung: Die Juden in Lemberg”, in: Binnenkade, Alexandra et al (Ed.), Vertraut und fremd zugleich. Jüdisch-christliche Nachbarschaften in Warschau – Lengnau – Lemberg, Köln et al 2009, p. 162. The streets where a major part of residents were Jewish: Żydowska, Ruska, Serbska, Boimów, Nowa, Karola Ludwika, św. Anny, Sykstuska; Stadtviertel Krakowska and Żółkiewska.

^[11] Gąsowski, Tomasz, “Struktura społeczno-zawodowa Żydów galicyjskich na początku XX w.” [Social and Occupational Structure of the Jews of Galicia at the Beginning of the 20th Century], in: Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego w Polsce 1-2, 1988, pp. 61-76.

^[12] Bihl 2003, p. 914.

^[13] The notions of the term “Luftmenschen” are explained by: Berg, Nicolas, Luftmenschen. Zur Geschichte einer Metapher, Göttingen 2008.

^[14] Gąsowski, Tomasz, Między gettem a światem. Dylematy ideowe Żydów galicyjskich na przełomie XIX i XX wieku [Between the Ghetto and the World. Value Conflicts of Galician Jews at the Turn of the 19th and 20th Century], Kraków 1996, p. 52.

^[15] There were around 100 German-Jewish Schools that existed until 1806 and eventually founded on the resistance of the Orthodox. In the 1820s, Jewish Children attended ordinary German elementary schools and Jewish-German elementary schools after 1848, Bałaban, Majer, Z historii Żydów w Polsce. Szkice i studja [On the History of the Jews in Poland. Sketches and Studies], Warszawa 1920, p. 196, 202, 235; Holzer 1995, pp. 75-91.

^[16] Bałaban 1920, p. 91, Quoting from Holzer 1995, p. 80.

^[17] Łapot, Mirosław, Szkolnictwo żydowskie we Lwowie (1772–1939) [Jewish Schooling in Lemberg (1772–1939)], Częstochowa 2016.

^[18] Sadowski, Dirk, Herz Homberg und die jüdischen deutschen Schulen in Galizien 1782–1806, Göttingen 2010. For the biography of Herz Homberg, see: Luity, Rieti van, Herz Homberg, in: The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe.

^[19] Łapot 2016, pp. 85-90.

^[20] “The aim to Germanize Galicia’s Jews was not intended as a nationalizing measure, but was born out of the conviction of contemporary Gentile and Jewish Enlighteners that the German language per se had already a progressive and civilizing effect on people”, in: Kuzmany, Börries, “The Rise and Limits of Participation. The Political Representation of Galicia´s Urban Jewry from the Josephine Era to the 1914 Electoral Reform”, in: East Central Europe 42, 2015, pp. 216-248, p. 218; Śliż, Małgorzata, Galicyjscy Żydzi na drodze do równouprawnienia 1848–1914 [Galician Jews on the Way to Emancipation 1848–1914], Kraków 2006, p. 102. For the legal principles, see: Gesetz vom 21. März 1890, betreffend die Regelung der äußeren Rechtsverhältnisse der israelitischen Religionsgesellschaft, RGBL 57/1890. See also Bihl 2003, pp. 897-899.

^[21] Polonsky, Antony, The Jews in Poland and Russia, Vol. II, Oxford et al 2010, p. 113.

^[22] Bihl 2003, pp. 894f.

^[23] Stourzh, Gerald, Die Gleichberechtigung der Nationalitäten in der Verfassung und Verwaltung Österreichs 1848–1918, Wien 1985.

^[24] Gąsowski 1996, pp. 52f.

^[25] “[…] the Polonization of the Jewish elites meant their self-inflicted removal from the international and suprastate networks as manifested from their turn away from German language. When Brody´s municipal council agree to switch the language of instruction at the high school from German to Polish, we can interpret this as a recognition of the fact that the city was more than anything a part of the crownland”, Kuzmany, Börries, Brody: A Galician Border City in the Long Nineteenth Century, Leiden et al 2017, p. 359; Confession to the polish informal speech, see Bihl 2003, pp. 906f.

^[26] Röskau-Rydel, Isabel, Niemiecko-austriackie rodziny urzędnicze w Galicji 1772–1918 [German-Austrian Civil Servants in Galicia 1772–1918], Kraków 2011.

^[27] Most Germans in Galicia were Catholics, however, in 1910 they only accounted for 1,1% of the general population of Galicia, Batowski, Henryk, “Die Polen”, in: Wandruszka, Adam, Peter Urbanitsch (Ed.), Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, vol. III: Die Völker des Reiches, part 1, Wien 2003, p. 527.

^[28]“At least until 1867 the Habsburg state functioned as a collectivity where patriotism or loyalty to the dynasty rather than an ideology of shared nation-ness bound subjects and later citizens to the great polity. After 1867 this tradition lived on the Austrian half of the Monarchy, known as Cisleithenia […]”, Judson, Pieter, “Introduction”, in: Judson, Pieter M., Marsha L. Rozenblit (Ed.), Constructing Nationalities in East Central Europe, New York, Oxford 2005, p. 2; Judson, Pieter, Habsburg. Geschichte eines Imperiums 1740–1918, München 2017, p. 24; Schulze Wessel, Martin, “'Loyalität' als geschichtlicher Grundbegriff und Forschungskonzept: zur Einleitung”, in: Schulze Wessel, Martin (Ed.), Loyalität in der Tschechoslowakischen Republik 1918–1938. Politische, nationale und kulturelle Zugehörigkeiten, München 2004, pp. 1-22.

^[29] Plaschka, Richard Georg, “Polnisches 'Piemon' im Norden der Donaumonarchie. Galizien, als Element des multinationalen Staates und als Kern nationaler Dynamik – Akzente und Gesamtbild einer Tagung”, in: Mack, Karlheinz (Ed.), Galizien um die Jahrhundertwende. Politische, soziale und kulturelle Verbindungen mit Österreich, Wien, München 1990, pp. 11-25; Mark, Rudolf A., “'Polnische Bastion und ukrainisches Piemont' – Lemberg 1772–1921”, in: Fäßler, Peter, Thomas Held, Dirk Sawitzki (Ed.), Lemberg-Lwów-Lviv. Eine Stadt im Schnittpunkt europäischer Kulturen, Köln et al 1995, pp. 46-74.

^[30] Pacholkiv 2009, p. 161.

^[31] Śliż-Marciniec, Małgorzata, “The Contribution of Scholars of Jewish Origin into the Development of Selected Fields of Study and Academic life, based on the example of the Jagiellonian University in Cracow in the Days of the Galician Autonomy”, in: Obolevitch, Teresa, Józef Bremer (Hrsg.), The Influence of Jewish Culture on the Intellectual Heritage of Central and Eastern Europe, Kraków 2011, pp. 67-76; Śliż-Marciniec, Małgorzata, Zasłużony krakowski nauczyciel religii mojżeszowej – dr Dawid Rosenman (1884–1926) [A Krakow Teacher of the Mosaic Religion with Merits – Dr. Dawid Rosenman (1884–1926)], in: Maślak-Maciejewski, Alicja, Wojciech Strokowski, Kamila Wasilewski-Prędki (Ed.), Żydzi w krakowskim Gimnazjum św. Anny (Nowodworskiego) [Jews in the St. Anna’s (Nowodworski) Grammar School of Krakow], Kraków, Budapest 2020, pp. 285-303.

^[32] “Caste”, in: Hertz, Aleksander, The Jews in Polish Culture, Evanston (Ill.) 1988, pp. 59-62. Antony Polonsky disagrees with this statement but does not substantiate his criticism: Polonsky, Antony, “Stan dzisiejszy badań nad historią Żydów w Polsce” [Current Research Concerning the History of the Jews in Poland], in: Kaźmierczyk, Adam, Alicja Maślak-Maciejewska (Ed.), Żydzi polscy w oczach historyków. Tom dedykowany pamięci Profesora Józefa A. Gierowskiego [Polish Jews as Seen by Historians. To the Memory of Prof Józef A. Gierowski], Kraków 2018, p. 23.

^[33] “Trotz der theoretischen Gleichberechtigung seit dem Protestantenpatent vom Jahr 1861 und den verschiedenen Gesetzen der liberalen Ära genossen die Protestanten im öffentlichen Leben bloß eine bedingte Gleichstellung” Urbanitsch 2003, p. 69.

^[34] Grodziski, Stanisław, Sejm krajowy galicyjski 1861–1914 [The Diet of Galicia and Lodomeria 1861–1914], vol. 1, Warszawa 1993, pp. 47-52.

^[35] Kuzmany 2017, pp. 229-230.

^[36] Hein-Kircher, Heidi, “Jewish Participation in the Lemberg Local Self-Government: The Provisions of the Lemberger Statut of 1870”, in: Simon-Dubnow-Institut Jahrbuch 10, 2011, pp. 247-248.

^[37] “Some crownland governors hesitated to implement the more controversial aspects of the liberal legislation regulating public education or the place of the church in Austrian society, fearing the public backlash that enforcement might provoke. Some enforced only parts of the new laws, or slowed their enforcement. The very novelty of the new constitutional system allowed them some space to moderate or even undermine it its effects.”, Judson 2005, p. 278, also pp. 368f.

^[38] Gąsowski 1996, p. 18.

^[39] Lenger, Friedrich, Metropolen der Moderne. Eine europäische Stadtgeschichte seit 1850, München 2013.

^[40] Kozińska-Witt, Hanna, “Support Your Own, On Your Own: Local Government Subsidies for Jewish Institutions during the Period of Galician Autonomy, 1866–1914”, in: Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia 15, 2017, pp. 99-114.

^[41] Klabauch, Jiři, Geschichte der Gemeindeselbstverwaltung in Österreich 1848–1918, Wien 1968, p. 41; Herget, Beate, Die Selbstverwaltung Krakaus 1866–1915: Ein rechtshistorischer Beitrag zur Bedeutung der Statutarstädte in der Habsburger Monarchie, Regensburg 2005, p. 26.

^[42] Brockhausen, Karl, Richard Weiskircher (Ed.), “Provisorisches Gemeindestatut für die königliche Stadt Krakau (LG.V. 1. April 1866 Nr. 7)”, in: Österreichische Städteordnungen: Die Gemeindeordnungen und Gemeindewahlordnungen der mit eigenen Stauten versehenen Städte der im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreiche und Länder mit den Nachtragsgesetzen, sowie den einschlägigen Judicaten des Reichsgerichtes und Verwaltungsgerichtshofes, Wien 1895, pp. 154-185; “Statut für die königliche Hauptstadt Lemberg (LG.V. 14. Oct. 1870, Nr. 79) ”, in: Ibidem. pp. 109-154.

^[43] Hein-Kircher 2011, pp. 249-252; Kozińska-Witt, Hanna, “Krakauer Munizipalität und jüdische Konfessionsgemeinde: 'Provisorisches Gemeindestatut für die königliche Hauptstadt Krakau' (1866) und seine Wirkung”, in: Historica. Revue pro historii a přibuzenĕ vĕdy 1, 2015, pp. 58-68, this: Kozińska-Witt, Hanna, “Austrian Law, Cracovian Habitus and Jewish Community. How the Municipal Statute in Cracow (1866) Contributed to the Construction of New Municipal and Jewish Communal Hierarchy”, in: Kleinmann, Yvonne et al (Ed.), Religion in the Mirror of Law.

^[44] Gąsowski 1996, p. 18.

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Source Exctract

Brockhausen, Karl, Richard Weiskircher (Hrsg.), „Statut für die königliche Hauptstadt Lemberg (LG.V. 14. Oct. 1870, Nr. 79)“, in: Österreichische Städteordnungen: Die Gemeindeordnungen und Gemeindewahlordnungen der mit eigenen Stauten versehenen Städte der im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreiche und Länder mit den Nachtragsgesetzen, sowie den einschlägigen Judicaten des Reichsgerichtes und Verwaltungsgerichtshofes, Wien 1895, S. 109-154.

VI. Hauptstück. Von der Besorgung der speciellen Angelegenheiten der christlichen und israelitischen Bevölkerung.

Rechte der christlichen und israelitischen Bevölkerung.

§. 96. In der Stadtgemeinde Lemberg verbleibt sowohl die christliche als auch die israelitische Bevölkerung im Eigenthume, Besitze und in der Benützung der ausschließlich für ihre eigenen Religions-, Lehr- und Wohltätigkeitszwecke bestimmten Anstalten und Fond, und bestreitet aus eigenen Mitteln die Auslagen für solche Anstalten und andere Religions-, Lehr- und Wohltätigkeitszwecke, an welchen die ausschließliche Theilnahme nur ihr allein zukommt.

Insoferne jedoch diese Ausgaben bisher aus den allgemeinen Einkünften der Gemeinde bestritten wurden, sind dieselben auch fernerhin aus diesen Einkünften zu bestreiten.

Besorgung der speciellen Angelegenheit der christlichen Bevölkerung.

§. 97. Die speciellen Angelegenheiten der christlichen Bevölkerung werden, insoferne die Gebahrung mit denselben gesetzmäßig dem Gemeinderathe zukommt, durch diesen Rath nach den Bestimmungen des gegenwärtigen Statutes, jedoch mit der Beschränkung verwaltet, daß die israelitischen Mitglieder des Gemeinderathes an der Abstimmung über diese Angelegenheiten und an der Erledigung dieser Angelegenheiten im Allgemeinen nicht theilzunehmen haben.

Sollten unter den Mitgliedern des Gemeinderathes nicht wenigstens achtzig (80) Räthe christlicher Religion vorhanden sein, so ist nach den Bestimmungen des §. 24 der Wahlordnung ein christlicher Administrationsrath einzusetzen, welcher die im §. 98 angeführten speciellen Angelegenheiten der christlichen Bevölkerung nach den Vorschriften des gegenwärtigen Statutes zu verwalten hat.

Zur Giltigkeit der Beschlüsse in Angelegenheiten dieser Art ist die Gegenwart von mehr als der Hälfte der christlichen Gemeinderathsmitglieder, und beziehungsweise des christlichen Administrationsrathes, und die absolute Stimmenmehrheit dieser Mitglieder erforderlich.

§. 98. Zu den speciellen Angelegenheiten der christlichen Bevölkerung gehören:

die Angelegenheiten der Kirchen und anderer religiösen Orte, die Angelegenheiten des Kultus, die Ausübung des Patronatrechtes, die Präsentation oder die Ernennung der Seelsorger, Religionslehrer und Kirchendiener;
die Angelegenheiten der für Christen, oder für Zwecke, an welchen bloß Christen teilnehmen, bestimmten Anstalten, Stiftungen, Stipendien und anderer Fonde;
die Angelegenheiten des, ein einschließliches Eigenthum der christlichen Bevölkerung bildenden, oder auschließlich für diese Bevölkerung bestimmten, oder auch in deren ausschließlicher Benützung stehenden Vermögens.

Besorgung der speciellen Angelegenheiten der israelitischen Bevölkerung

§. 99. Die Verwaltung der speciellen Angelegenheiten der israelitischen Bevölkerung verbleibt bei dem bisherigen Kultusvorstande dieser Bevölkerung.

Zu diesen Angelegenheiten gehören:

die Angelegenheiten der Bethäuser, der Friedhöfe, die Angelegenheiten des Kultus, die Bestellung der Rabbiner, Prediger, Religionslehrer und Religionsdiener;
die Angelegenheiten der für Israeliten, oder für Zwecke, an welchen blos Israeliten teilnehmen, bestimmten Anstalten, Stiftungen, Stipendien und anderer Fonde;
die Angelegenheiten des, ein einschließliches Eigenthum der israelitischen Bevölkerung bildenden, oder ausschließlich für diese Bevölkerung bestimmten, oder auch in deren ausschließlichen Benützung stehenden Vermögens.

Provisorisches Gemeindestatur Krakau

VI. Hauptstück

17. Abschnitt. Vom Einflusse der Gemeindebehörde auf die Angelegenheiten der verschiedenen Religionsbekenntnisse

§. 119. Jedes Religionsbekenntnis verbleibt im Besitze und in der Benützung der für dessen geistliche, Unterrichts- und Wohlthätigkeitszwecke bestimmten Anstalten, Stiftungen und Fonde, und bestreitet die Kosten aus eigenen Mitteln.

Jedes Gemeindemitglied der Stadt Krakau trägt zu den Auslagen nur desjenigen Religionsbekenntnisses bei, dem es selbst angehört, insoferne dieselben im Grunde der politischen Gesetze nicht als eine Last auf den von ihm besessenen Realitäten haften.

§. 120. Speciell christliche Angelegenheiten stehe unter der ausschließlichen Verwaltung der christlichen Mitglieder der Krakauer Gemeinde.

Diese Angelegenheiten sind:

jene, welche die geistlichen, Schul- und Wohltätigkeitsangelegenheiten, sowie die ausschließlich aus christlichen Fonden dortigen Anstalten betreffen;
die Ausübung des Patronats- und Präsentationsrechtes, und die Ernennung der Seelsorger und Lehrer, sowie die Verleihung von Stipendien.

§. 121. In der Verwaltung der im obigen Paragraphe erwähnten Angelegenheiten wird die Gemeinde durch die dem christlichen Glaubensbekenntnisse angehörenden Mitglieder des Gemeinderathes vertreten.

Zur gilitigen Beschlußfassung in Angelegenheiten dieser Art ist die Gegenwart von zwei Dritttheiten der christlichen Mitglieder des Gemeinderathes erforderlich.

§. 122. Inwieferne die Anstalten für die unten ausgedrückten Zwecke nicht aus dem Vermögen der Gemeinde der Stadt Krakau dotirt werden, bestreitet die israelitische Gemeinde die Auslagen aus eigenen Mitteln:

für ihre religiösen Zwecke;
für die Versorgung ihrer Armen und Kranken;
für die Erhaltung ihrer Schulen und Spitäler;
für die Befriedigung ihrer anderweitigen eigenthümlichen Bedürfnisse.

Die Einkünfte, welche zur Befriedigung von Bedürfnissen dieser Art durch die Gesammtheit der Einwohner beigesteuert werden, werden für den Gebrauch eines jeden Bekenntnisses im Verhältnisse der Beitragsleistung seiner Angehörigen vertheilt.

§. 123. In Angelegenheiten, welche die im obigen Paragraphe erwähnten Gegenstände betreffen, haben, insoferne dieselben zur Schlußfassung der Gemeinde gelangen, die israelitischen Mitglieder des Gemeinderathes, unter dem Vorsitze des Präsidenten, in der beschlußfähigen Anzahl von mindestens 2/3 Theilen der Mitglieder dieses Bekenntnisses, zu entscheiden.

Wenn die Zahl der gewählten israelitischen Mitglieder des Gemeinderathes 21 nicht betragen sollte, so wird diese Zahl mit den zu diesen Berathungen durch die israelitischen Mitglieder des Gemeinderathes zu berufenden Vertrauensmännern vervolständigt.